Restore the NBC first
IT is difficult not to agree with the thinking of a correspondent to The National, published in yesterday’s edition.
The subject was the proposed national television network.
This newspaper has previously expressed some concern about the nature of that project.
Briefly, we’ve pointed out the necessity for the “state television station”, as Government sources continue to refer to it, to operate under the existing Broadcasting Act.
That legislation at least guarantees theoretical independence of content and administration to the National Broadcasting Corporation.
Any attempt to establish a television station that is committed only to disseminating the viewpoint of the government of the day should be the subject of trenchant and sustained opposition by the Media Council.
Far too many examples of “state television” scattered throughout the world’s dictatorships and imitation democracies already exist; PNG must not give away its birthright of unfettered broadcasting.
One of the major issues raised by our correspondent concerned the state of the NBC.
We all recognise that the Corporation now has a much more energetic and far-sighted management than it has had for many years and for that we are grateful.
Even the Corporation board, long a resting place for non-entities, is playing its part in the rejuvenation of what was once a unique PNG network.
But recovery cannot be rapid; while the present budget for the NBC has begun the process of viewing the national broadcaster’s legitimate needs somewhat more realistically, it still falls dramatically short of the funding that could and should be made available to the organisation.
It is an extraordinary fact that no government since independence has made any real effort to make use of the NBC within the parameters allowed by the Act.
Previous initiatives that opened the window on government policies and projects were created by gifted NBC staff producers and not at the behest of any government.
The NBC had a fully-fledged training arm; each provincial station in the then fully-operational network of 17 or more stations was visited for at least a fortnight each year.
One of the functions of those training teams was to teach a representative from each of the provincial government departments how to present a half hour radio programme each week, literally bringing the department to the people.
Some stations broadcast these in a number of vernacular languages and there were many more operational radios in villages.
Contact between the provincial governments and the people in even the most remote corners of each province were smoothly maintained. The flow of information was two ways; as people met station personnel in the field or visiting their villages, they detailed their concerns.
These in turn formed the basis for government patrols throughout the provinces.
Today’s available technology means that the costs of radio that can reach every person in PNG – and many beyond our borders – have fallen dramatically.
We agree with our correspondent – get radio up and running as a first class medium once again, because it is the only true means of reaching every one of our people at the lowest possible costs.
Television is a wonderful medium when it is used properly.
But to be effective, whether to broadcast development policies and news or entertainment, television receivers need to be widely distributed throughout the nation.
A recent check showed that even 14-inch bargain television receivers cost at least K400.
There are few service networks in urban areas, and none outside in our provinces; spare parts are already a major hassle and an expensive item for set owners.
A local television network with a commitment to PNG-generated programming may be a major asset – but the costs of such programming are high indeed.
And quality PNG television producers, cameramen and women, interviewers, programmers and marketing staff cannot be produced overnight.
Some of the fully qualified and widely experienced radio staff of the NBC remain on strength and the broadcaster has a very good chance of restoring the exceptional radio network of old – and carrying it forward into the new and innovative broadcasting age of this century.
For our money, restore quality independent radio for our people before investing millions of our kina in “State television.”
 
Timor Leste’s window of opportunity
By LUCY WILLIAMSON
DILI: The road into the camp looks like any other – a wide, dusty road dotted with scrub. Wire fences separate Dili’s newest residents from their neighbours, and Australian soldiers stand guard at the gate.
Inside, it has the restless, transitory feel of no-man’s-land. Not many governments would be delighted by the arrival in the capital of 600 rebel soldiers, but Timor Leste’s leaders are counting this as one of their greatest achievements.
A month ago, the leader of these rebel soldiers – Alfredo Reinado – led an attack on the country’s president and prime minister. Reinado was killed in the attack, and the president seriously wounded.
The shooting shocked many of Reinado’s followers into coming back down to the capital and accepting the government’s offer of negotiation. The government also launched negotiations with Reinado’s two surviving deputies.
One is now in custody in Dili, having surrendered. The other is rumoured to be close to doing the same.
It all looks very different from the last time violence broke out in Dili. In early 2006, half of Timor Leste’s tiny army – 600 soldiers – had deserted, and then been sacked, after complaining of discrimination.
The situation rapidly spiralled into near-civil war – 38 people died, 150,000 fled their homes, and the government was forced out of power.
This time, things have played out differently. Negotiations seem to be working, and the government has stuck to the constitution and kept both the president and the parliament on board.
The prime minister’s office is very pleased with itself. One of the things it is most proud of is the establishment of a joint command to handle the operation – bringing together the army, known as F-FDTL, and the police, the PNTL.
For the past few weeks, the two security forces have been working together to support and back up the negotiations in the field. This in itself is a miracle of sorts, according to political analyst Edward Rees.
“Eighteen months ago, PNTL high command and F-FDTL high command were situated 150m away from each other in their headquarters in the centre of Dili, exchanging gunfire,” he said. “Today they’re demonstrating a level of co-operation which would have been unthinkable.”
But he added a note of caution, saying the forces’ problems were far from over.
“PNTL and F-FDTL remain largely unreformed. They’re still riddled with political differences, demonstrate poor discipline and neither is older than seven years old,” Rees said.
The need for reform of the security services became strikingly apparent when violence last broke out in 2006. Then, the army and police were fighting each other and political influence in the armed forces was laid bare, as was the lack of discipline among serving officers.
The current crisis has given the government a chance to resolve the issues left over from that crisis – to make peace with 600 of its former soldiers, for example, or to allow tens of thousands of internally displaced refugees to return home.
But it has also created a window of opportunity to make major reforms. With the threat from former rebels virtually neutralised, and the international forces still on the ground, many analysts believe now is the time to clean out the system.
Security sector reform has been a top priority for the new prime minister, Xanana Gusmao, but there does not seem to be much in the way of concrete plans to do it.
Part of the problem is that the judicial system itself is weak. And without independent courts to deal with infractions, any reform is bound to fail.
To date, only four soldiers have been convicted for their part in the 2006 violence, and they were only taken into custody this week. Will it be any different this time around?
The government says it will prosecute all those accused of criminal acts during this crisis. But the acting president, Fernando de Araujo, hinted that a presidential pardon for rebel leaders could not be ruled out.
“It’s stated in the constitution that the president has the authority to give pardons,” he said. “It’s the president’s right, and I think our president, Ramos-Horta, has a big heart.” – BBC
Editorial