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by ALEX KANA
It’s time to phase out failed reforms
PROVINCIAL governments came into
existence in 1977 under the Organic Law on Provincial Government (OLPG)
and subsequently became breeding ground for corruption,
malpractices and misuse of public funds.
The abuse led to the suspension of the Enga, Manus and Simbu
provincial governments in 1984, Fly in 1985, Western Highlands,
Central and Sandaun in 1987 and Morobe in 1989.
In 1995, reforms were introduced, giving the provincial
governments a new outlook and political structure aimed at
decentralising and consolidating provincial autonomy and rural
decentralisation via districts and local level governments (LLGs).
The new Organic Law on Provincial and Local Level Governments (OLPLLG),
however, had a huge problem which hindered efforts to decentralise
government services – the “centrifugal nature” of the provincial
government; an institutional aspect of state’s failure in
fostering economic and social development at provincial level.
Coupled with that, the lack of monitoring, supervising and
accountability mechanisms for implementation and proper use of
development funds have allowed the system itself to go unchecked.
Thus, the outcome is constant misuse and diversion of public
expenditure into unbudgeted transactions and pecuniary spending.
Under the structure, the chairman of the provincial assembly is
the regional MP, who is the governor.
The governor is also a member of the provincial executive council
that nominates the provincial administrator, who in turn is the
provincial administrator or chief executive officer of the Joint
Provincial Planning and Budget Priority Committees (JPPBPC).
At the district level, the chairman of the Joint District Planning
and Budget Priority Committees (JDPBPC) is the MP representing the
open electorate.
He is responsible for LLGs planning, budget allocation including
district support grants and policy implementation.
MPs have excessive control from Parliament down to provincial,
district and local level government especially in decision making,
planning and budget allocation.
This shows that power is still centralised under the guise of
provincial government system.
One half of the district support grants (discretionary funds) are
directed to the MP representing the district while the other is
directed to the JDPBPC which the MP is the chairman, giving him
full control of the district budget.
Discretionary funds have used to fund election campaigns,
vote-buying, bribery and other corrupt activities to keep the MP
in power.
MPs have many responsibilities which they fail to attend to
adequately.
MPs are parliamentarians as well as provincial governors who are
mostly absent from provincial headquarters.
Often, we see national priorities clash with provincial and local
priorities and MPs usually find themselves in dilemma and lacking
in political will or commitment.
A controversial proposal by Nuku MP Andrew Kumbakor to increase
the slush funds from K500,000 to K1.5 million illustrates this
problem.
The underlying issue here is that the system is absorbing more
financial resources instead of delivering.
Although the OLPLLG has monitoring, supervising and accountability
mechanisms, there seem to be no independent or neutral bodies to
monitor, coordinate and supervise to ensure that development funds
are directed towards implementing development goals and policies.
To have good policies is one thing, implementing them is another.
Moreover, no one is held accountable or responsible for
malpractice as there are inadequate funds to investigate.
In developing countries like PNG, there is little money allocated
to monitor officials and investigate malfeasance.
In the case of Southern Highlands, the provincial government has
failed to achieve the desired results as can be seen in the past
11 years.
The province is vital to the National Government’s Economic
Recovery and Export-Driven Economic Policy.
Poor leadership, corruption and law and order problems prompted
the National Government to step in and declare a State of
Emergency in the province through an Act of Parliament last year.
It is perceived that the federal action was prompted by, amongst
others:
l The proliferation of illegal weapons by ethnic groups has
changed the balance of power in the province, compromising the
effectiveness of the police force.
Stability and the overall business environment have been
threatened. Obviously, security of large-scale projects is of
paramount importance.
l The State of Emergency is a fulfillment of predictions by
opponents on proponents who did not to expect a backlash years
down the line.
On the other hand, one could say that the so-called public
servants or custodians failed to make the system work because they
are incapable, under-skilled and incompetent to operate the lower
bureaucratic machinery according to the rule of law.
Efforts to decentralise government functions remain highly
centralised.
When power is centralised in Waigani, it becomes a pull factor
from rural-to-urban centres by people in search of their leaders
camping in makeshift shelters outside Parliament House and Waigani
offices.
Kevin Pamba’s article, “Where to after the State of Emergency”
(The National, Aug 22, 2006), shared similar sentiments about the
OLPLLG and failure of the central government to allow the problem
to culminate.
He identified the key problem; the reform placed powers in a
province on one person – the governor.
This has been the cause of some of the major problems in various
provinces around the country where the governor had become the
legislator, employer, contracts administrator, paymaster,
policeman and even Santa Claus, all rolled into one.
Governors represent their provinces and their physical presence in
all matters affecting their provinces is considered important.
Their long absences in provincial headquarters leaves a power
vacuum which allows opportunists and interest groups to
vociferously help themselves with the limited resources which
everyone within the provincial jurisdiction are entitled to in a
from of free and fair service delivery.
Southern Highlands is not the only province experiencing
governance in limbo.
It is a national problem and perhaps a time bomb.
With problems besetting the performance of the provincial
government system, its viability for another five years is
questionable.
Relevant authorities coordinating the implementation of reforms
and Public Sector Improvement Programme such as the Public Sector
Reform Advisory Group and Public Sector Reform Management Unit and
other agencies should phase out the failed aspects of reforms.
Reforms that failed to impact qualitatively on the living standard
of the population should be phased out.
The proposition to abolish the governor’s seat by 2012 would allow
the central government to deal directly with the districts and
LLGs without the role of a middleman.
Note: The writer is a tutor in political
science at the University of PNG
 
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