Drinks that kill
REPORTS from the East Sepik province indicate that crimes linked to alcohol have risen sharply.
Can anyone be surprised that such reports are now common in Papua New Guinea?
It seems to us that community tolerance of excessive alcohol sale and consumption is a large contributor towards derailing the nation and its people from reaching their own desirable goals.
Alcohol and its place in society has probably fuelled more discussions, fights, wars and aggression than any other single factor since recorded history began.
The production of beers, wines, spirits and other intoxicating products has become a global phenomena, one that underpins dozens of cultures and societies in each continent of our world.
Savage repression of the right to drink alcohol is common in some countries, as is the right to produce and refine alcoholic fluids for human consumption.
The majority of other nations grants a high level of tolerance to the manufacture and consumption of alcohol and the habit of drinking such products is ingrained in the lifestyles of many of our readers.
Defenders of intoxicating liquor point to the individual as the problem, rather than the product.
They see a few drinks with friends as nothing more than a social lubricant, a way to meet and sustain friendships and a great reliever of social awkwardness and stress.
Certainly alcohol consumption in such a setting can be seen in that light. But what of the tragic escalation in violence and social disorder directly associated with the startling rise in crime and accident figures in our own country?
Many members of the former territorial administration fought hard against the introduction of the right to drink being extended to Papua New Guineans in the decade before independence.
Others sought to surround the availability of alcohol with as many rules and regulations as possible in the hope of restricting sale and consumption to what they saw as manageable levels.
The results, three decades later, must be apparent to all.
The latest news from the Sepik refers to at least three school children having died and women being raped “because beer was now being sold everywhere by people who were taking advantage of the non-existence of a provincial liquor board”.
Why is there no such board currently available in East Sepik?
And who is ultimately responsible for the wave of under-age drinking that is washing over PNG as you read?
In our opinion, too many of the provincial liquor boards have become havens for industry and related interests.
These are not the people who should form a majority on such boards for they will naturally seek to protect and extend their interests.
Such boards should be made of those who are demonstrably incorruptible and who have their social roots in as wide a cross section of the community as possible.
These boards have the power to say who controls and opens outlets and how many there should be in any defined area.
In Port Moresby, the proliferation of these premises makes nonsense of any suggestions of community control.
Some suburbs have far too many licenced outlets for the resident population and the voice of those who wish to live in peace in their own houses is drowned by the jingling of cash registers in the hands of retailers who make little attempt to control sales.
All the rules in the world relating to the sale of alcohol are meaningless unless they are enforced.
To expect that to happen in the hands of the retailer is naïve; at the same time the arcane language and general incomprehensibility of the legal notices appearing in the print media indicating applications for new outlet licences long ago failed to attract the attention of the public.
The whole issue of availability of intoxicating liquor in PNG is long past review date and the present Government, with its much vaunted parliamentary majority, might care to take the matter in hand.
The current situation where the potential for electoral polling, domestic violence, road accidents, assaults, gang-rapes and a host of other negatives lie hidden in the bottom of a stubby or a spirit bottle is unacceptable.
The loss in terms of deaths and injury in alcohol-related incidents is now acceptable.
It’s time the Government acted.
 
Where are the global leaders?

By JEFFREY D. SACHS
THE G-8 Summit in Japan earlier this month was a painful demonstration of the pitiful state of global cooperation.
The world is in deepening crisis.
Food prices are soaring. Oil prices are at historic highs.
The leading economies are entering a recession.
Climate change negotiations are going around in circles.
Aid to the poorest countries is stagnant, despite years of promised increases.
And yet in this gathering storm, it was hard to find a single real accomplishment by the world’s leaders.
The world needs global solutions for global problems, but the G-8 leaders clearly cannot provide them.
Virtually all of the political leaders who went to the summit are deeply unpopular at home and therefore, few offer any global leadership.
They are weak individually, and even weaker when they get together and display to the world their inability to mobilise real action.
There are four deep problems.
The first is the incoherence of American leadership.
While we are well past the time when the United States alone could solve any global problems, it does not even try to find shared global solutions.
The will to global cooperation was weak even in the Clinton administration, but it has disappeared entirely during the Bush administration.
The second problem is the lack of global financing.
The hunger crisis can be overcome in poor countries if they get help to grow more food.
The global energy and climate crises can be overcome if the world invests together to develop new energy technologies.
Diseases such as malaria can be overcome through globally coordinated investments in disease control.
The oceans, rainforests, and air can be kept safe through pooled investments in environmental protection.
Global solutions are not expensive, but they are not free, either.
Global solutions to poverty, food production, and development of new clean energy technology will require annual investments of roughly US$350 billion, or 1% of GNP of the rich world.
This is obviously affordable, and is modest compared to military spending, but is far above the pittance that the G-8 actually brings to the table to solve these urgent challenges.
British prime minister Gordon Brown has made a valiant effort to get the rest of Europe to honour the modest aid pledges made at the
G-8 Summit in 2005, but it has been a tough fight, and one that has not been won.
The third problem is the disconnection between global scientific expertise and politicians.
Scientists and engineers have developed many powerful ways to address today’s challenges, whether growing food, controlling diseases, or protecting the environment.
These methods have become even more powerful in recent years with advances in information and communications technology, which make global solutions easier to identify and implement than ever before.
The fourth problem is that the G-8 ignores the very international institutions – notably the United Nations and the World Bank – that offer the best hope to implement global solutions.
These institutions are often deprived of political backing, underfinanced, and then blamed by the G-8 when global problems are not solved.
Instead, they should be given clear authority and responsibilities, and then held accountable for their performance.
President George W. Bush may be too unaware to recognise that his historically high 70% disapproval rating among US voters is related to the fact that his government turned its back on the international community – and thereby got trapped in war and economic crisis.
The other G-8 leaders presumably can see that their own unpopularity at home is strongly related to high food and energy prices, and an increasingly unstable global climate and global economy, none of which they can address on their own.
Starting in January next year with the new US president, politicians should take the best chance for their own political survival, and of course for their countries’ well-being, by reinvigorating global cooperation.
They should agree to address shared global goals, including the fight against poverty, hunger, and disease (the Millennium Development Goals), as well as climate change and environmental destruction.
To achieve these goals, the G-8 should set clear timetables for action, and transparent agreements on how to fund it.
The smartest move would be to agree that each country tax its CO2 emissions in order to reduce climate change, and then devote a fixed amount of the proceeds to global problem solving.
With the funding assured, the G-8 would suddenly move from empty promises to real policies.
Backed by adequate funding, the world’s political leaders should turn to the expert scientific community and international organisations to help implement a truly global effort.
Rather than regarding the UN and its agencies as competitors or threats to national sovereignty, they should recognise that working with the UN agencies is in fact the only way to solve global problems, and therefore is the key to their own political survival.
These basic steps – agreeing on global goals, mobilising the financing needed to meet them, and identifying the scientific expertise and organisations needed to implement solutions – is basic management logic.
Some may scoff that this approach is impossible at the global level, because all politics are local.
Yet today, all politicians depend on global solutions for their own political survival.
That by itself could make solutions that now seem out of reach commonplace in the future.
Time is short, since global problems are mounting rapidly.
The world is passing through the greatest economic crisis in decades.
It is time to say to the G-8 leaders, “Get your act together, or don’t even bother to meet next year”.
It is too embarrassing to watch grown men and women gather for empty photo opportunities. –
Project Syndicate

Note: Jeffrey Sachs is Professor of Economics and director of the Earth Institute at Columbia University.

Editorial