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watched!
Classified Australian documents now available in the book,
"Australia and Papua Guinea 1966-1969", recorded our Prime
Minister Sir Michael Somare in 1966 as an "angry young man
overtly anti-European and anti-Australian who has had numerous
brushes with the authorities and is on record as having
expressed sympathy with the Communist cause".
Another prominent PNG citizen who was spied during the decade
leading up to Independence in 1975 was John M. Guise, later to
the first Papua New Guinean Speaker of the House of Assembly,
and first Governor-General at Independence.
From the book, it appeared that Somare first came to the notice
of the Australian-run PNG police intelligence arm, the Special
Branch following an article in the "New Guinea" publication
which claimed that its methods were intimidatory; some
indigeneous were "greased" and "brainwashed" by Special Branch;
many Special Branch men are "former African colonial masters";
and the activities of the Branch suppressed freedom of
expression, political opinion and criticism against the
Australian Government.
The article appeared under the pen-name of Bramaig Damai who
claimed that it represented the views of many young indigenes
but Special Branch concluded that three Papua New Guineans may
have written it with outside help. The three are Michael Tom
Somare, Lahui Tau Egi, and Lukas Joseph Waka.
Interestingly, Damai was later to become the name of Pangu's
business arm.
According to a Special Branch report, Somare came to "prominent
notice" when in September 1964 he criticized the Public Service
Ordinance 1963. The report continued: "At the same time, he made
reference to the House of Assembly as being a 'puppet of the
Administration', and added that if students were unable to
achieve their demands negotiation, they must do so by force.
"At this time the students were very restive over the reduction
in reductions allowed for under the Public Service Ordinance
..."
Special Branch reported that in September 1965, Somare was
assessed as being "critical of aspects of the Administration
policy, but in no way disloyal or subservient".
In December 1965, Somare was transferred to Wewak by (his
employer) the Department of Information and Extension Services.
An officer of that department who formerly knew Somare as a
"friendly, personable, co-operative individual" then found him
to be "sullen, with a chip on his shoulder and an anti-European
attitude".
"There are strong indications that Somare will contest the
Angoram Open Electorate in 1968 and that his supporters are
already canvassing on his behalf.
"Somare has been described by competent observers as being an
angry young man.
"As far as is known, he has not indulged in any subversive
activity and his loyalties are in no doubt. He has a propensity
towards speaking out on matters concerning the conditions of
employment of local officers regardless of the consequences, and
could seriously embarrass this Administration by so doing. By
virtue of his education and proven ability to speak and organise
he could become a formidable force in local affairs in the near
future."
Somare's boss L.R. Newby had this to say: "I have formed the
impression that on one and perhaps more occasions incidents
connected with Mr Somare were handled clumsily by police".
Papua New Guinea politicians' activities were reported in the
Monthly Intelligence Summary (MIS) prepared by the
Administrator's Department and which eventually found their way
to Canberra.
However, Australia's Minister for External Territories (Sir)
Paul Hasluck expressed doubts over the methods of collecting
political information for the MIS in February 1966.
Referring to a draft item on "Development in political
awareness" which had apparently involved covert observation of
legal political gatherings, Hasluck cautioned: "I know
personally and intimately both (patrol officer) Albert Maori
Kiki and (MHA for Esa'ala Losuia open electorate) Lepani Watson
and regarded them as two of the best influences among their
particular groups.
"I would be very sorry to think to think that they are now being
'watched' and 'reported' upon as though they were engaged in
some wrongful activity.
"If these two men have gone bad or were to go bad in the future
I believe it would be entirely our fault and, in my opinion,
nothing would have a more harmful effect on them than if they
were to be treated as persons who needed 'watching' instead of
persons with whom we should discuss freely the needs and
aspirations of their people.
"There is unfortunately the tendency in all intelligence work to
be on the look out for plotters. We must guard against it".
In a meeting of the TIC on March 4, 1966, the External Affairs
representative suggested that "the primary responsibility for
submitting reports on the political situation in TPNG should
rest with the Administration representative if a partial and
possibly misleading picture were not to be given to recipients
of the LIC summary", but he reported to DEA that the
"unfortunate fact seems to be ... that the Administration does
not have its finger on the pulse of local developments"
Hasluck was subsequently informed that "On their admittedly
brief visits to the Territory in recent months officers of the
Department have formed the impression that at the highest level
there is not that intimacy of contact and discussion which would
seem clearly to be desirable if the indigenous leaders are to be
able to develop satisfactorily in the evolving political
situation in TPNG ... In the specific case of Albert Maori Kiki
the Administration has made a number of attempts to meet his
wishes over the last fifteen months but it would appear that
nevertheless he has increasingly lost confidence in and become
alienated from it.
One prominent post-Independence politician who attracting a lot
of "watching" by the Australian intelligence was "Mr J.D. Guise
(Sir John Guise), the most prominent indigenous political figure
in the Territory and leader of the elected Members of the House
of Assembly".
A secret MIS of April 1, 1966, noted that Guise "is losing
support within his own electorate".
The summary said during the March 1-9, 1966, sittings of the
House of Assembly in Port Moresby, "Guise was loath to leave the
confines of his place of residence at Hohola (a low-cost housing
development near Port Moresby) during the hours of darkness, due
to his firm belief that he would be assaulted by 'political
enemies'."
However, the summary concluded that although previous reports
indicated that Guise was losing the confidence of other Elected
MHA, this was the first significant indication that he may also
be losing popularity in his own electorate.
"The reasons for his fears of assault by 'political enemies' are
not known and could possibly be the figment of his own
imagination.
An earlier MIS in February reported "indications that most
elected members of the House of Assembly are dissatisfied with
the leadership of Mr J.D. Guise and may take action to either
censure him or elect a new leader - though there had been signs
to date that any other individual member is prepared to
challenge Guise for the position".
Guise's leadership was also discussed in detail in a minute from
a M.G. O'Brien of Department of Territories to Warwick Smith
(Secretary, DOT) on April 18, 1966. Guise was with a group of
politicians visiting Australia and O'Brien had met them at a
reception in Sydney several days earlier.
He wrote: Mathias ToLiman, the Deputy Leader of the elected
Members, told me that he had been approached, on several
occasions recently to accept the leadership.
He said he had refused because he felt he was not experienced
enough to effectively lead the elected Members although there
was great dissatisfaction with Guise as leader.
"ToLiman said that Guise had been elected because indigenous
Members felt that he had a wealth of administrative knowledge
which he could pass on to the others. However, ToLiman said that
Guise had refused to pass on his knowledge to other Members and
in ToLiman's own words has been "very arrogant and rude and
impatient of Members".
ToLiman said that he did not think that Guise would remain long
as leader, Warwick Smith was informed
O'Brien said ToLiman's comments were supported by Dirona Abe,
(Sir) Tei Abal and Nicholas Brokam "who were critical of Guise".
"I suggested to ToLiman that if he was called upon to lead, he
should seriously consider accepting the leadership because it
would be his duty to give effective leadership to the elected
Members. ToLiman made no direct comment on this, but the other
Members mentioned, agreed and said if Guise were to be replaced,
it would have to be by a man acceptable to all sectors of the
elected Member."
O'Brien also informed his boos that, "Critical references were
made to Guise's single handed attempts to produce a name, a flag
and a national anthem for Papua New Guinea."
"Tei Abal made an interesting comment that the Highlands were
suspicious of Guise because they felt he was trying to push
them, before they were ready, into independence."
Sir John Guise was eventually deposed as leader of the elected
members at a meeting of June 9, 1966. He commented during the
meeting that he was "happy to resign to give more time for ...
constitutional concerns."
 
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