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Chequebook diplomacy rules S. Pacific
DESPITE the expanded involvement of a
number of different powers in the South Pacific – exemplified by the
European Union’s (EU) recently increased aid commitment – observers say that
Australia remains the region’s dominant player.
The 38th Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) in the Tongan capital of Nuku’alofa
last Oct 16-17, saw the EU pledge US$392 million worth of aid to Pacific
island nations over 2008-13, which Sir Michael Somare described as “a
massive increase” from previous years.
But while this “massive increase” in aid represents a greater role in the
region for the EU, analysts argue that Australia – which has allocated some
us$702 million for PNG and other island nations for this financial year
alone – is still the main player in the South Pacific.
“Australia is still the dominant military, economic (and) political power in
the South Pacific, but certainly its policy in the region is complicated by
the very active engagement there (of other powers) and also because Pacific
Island countries are seeking to diversify their aid, trade and political
links,” Nic Maclellan, a former senior policy adviser on the Pacific for
Oxfam International, now working as a freelance journalist and researcher on
the region, said.
China, Japan and Taiwan are also heavily engaged in the Pacific, but “none
of these countries yet has anything like the involvement of Australia and
New Zealand,” Benjamin Reilly, director of the Centre for Democratic
Institutions at the Australian National University, said.
He said most of Japan’s aid was linked to commercial interests such as
fisheries, while Taiwan is using financial incentives to gain diplomatic
recognition.
Of the 24 nations which maintain formal diplomatic ties with Taiwan, six –
Kiribati, Nauru, Palau, Solomon Islands, Marshall Islands and Tuvalu – are
Pacific island states.
China, which competes with Taiwan for recognition via chequebook diplomacy,
sees the South Pacific as part of its “neighbourhood”, argues Reilly.
Possibly more important for China, however, are the region’s natural
resources.
“China’s increasing involvement with Papua New Guinea, which has massive gas
and mineral reserves, can be seen in this context,” Reilly said.
The engagement of these powers and other key players in the Pacific,
including the US and multilateral agencies such as the World Bank and the
Asian Development Bank, have, according to Maclellan, complicated
Australia’s long-term strategic dominance of the region.
“A number of (Pacific island) countries have been willing to diversify their
links – trade, aid, military, even – beyond their traditional reliance on
Australia, New Zealand, the US and France,” he said.
In addition, Australia and other donors tend to attach substantial
conditions to the aid they provide.
The EU’s representative at the PIF, European Commissioner for development
and humanitarian aid, Louis Michel, called for a new approach.
Speaking to Australian television’s Dateline programme at the PIF, he said:
“The new approach is that we have to change the model of development based,
to my opinion, from a very archaic, maybe neo-colonialist approach of donor
beneficiary to a pure political relationship.”
While Michel argues that donors should “trust” aid recipients to allocate
the funds they receive, Maclellan says the EU is playing hardball regarding
trade negotiations.
“In spite of Louis Michel’s fine words, I don’t think we should see the
Europeans as acting out of altruism when it comes to this,” Maclellan said,
adding that the EU, like others, has strategic interests in the region.
“The EU is running a pretty tough bargain with the Pacific over issues like
fisheries, labour mobility and other areas of great concern for the
Pacific.”
But the expanding engagement of other players is not the only factor
threatening Australia’s position in its “sphere of influence”.
“The other problem with that is that under the Howard government relations
between Australia and key Pacific countries have soured,” Maclellan said.
Australia has testy relations with Solomon Islands’ prime minister Manasseh
Sogavare, who has been critical of the Australian-led Regional Assistance
Mission to the Solomon Islands (Ramsi) for “having more to do with
Australian interests in the region than that of Solomon Islands itself”.
In addition, Australia has taken a tough stance on Fiji. It applies
sanctions to the government-led by interim prime minister Frank Bainimarama,
who came to power in a coup last December.
Also, Australian relations with the government of PNG remain shaky over the
Julian Moti affair to the extent that Sir Michael was snubbed by Howard at
September’s Apec forum in Sydney.
Despite the challenges facing Australia’s role in the Pacific, Australia is
responding, Maclellan said.
He said that a substantial amount of the increase in Australia’s overseas
development assistance programme – both the governing coalition and
opposition Labor Party have pledged a significant expansion of aid ahead of
tomorrow’s federal election – will be allocated to the Pacific.
According to Maclellan, this follows a pattern of renewed Australian
involvement in the region since 2000, particularly after coups in both Fiji
and the Solomons in that year.
“There was a renewed engagement from the Howard government and that was
amplified by concerns in the so-called war on terror,” he said.
Maclellan argued that Australia’s re-engagement in the Pacific has been
focused on trade and the “so-called transboundary security threats,
so-called security threats about gun-running, money laundering, drugs, and
indeed, the perceived threat of terrorism from al-Qaeda”.
However, Australia’s focus on these issues has allowed other powers to
expand their involvement in the region. – PNS
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