SOME dictator in the distant past, I cannot recall who, was told by his trusted counsellors that his subjects hated him.
He pondered on this for a while and then asked: “They hate me, you say, but do they fear me?”
The answer must have come back: “Yes, they fear you, absolutely,” because he gave the one-liner which is remembered today: “Let them hate, so long as they fear.”
I hope that line is never repeated in this country, but whiffs of that kind of fear, and may be not hatred but resentment, have been in the air these past few months and reared its timid head last week. Fortuitously, rain and a stern direction from the police force stopped a protest march from eventuating in Port Moresby.
A political condition exists as never before which can easily cause such feelings as fear and resentment, whether rational or not.
Although democratically elected, the Government’s absolute majority of 86 in the 109-member Parliament, gives it a position not unlike that of a dictatorship. That is to say, with that absolute majority in Parliament and the operations of the Organic Law on Integrity of Political Parties and Candidates, which commits all parties and individuals to agree with the Prime Minister on all matters of national interest such as the budget, constitutional laws and state of emergency, the executive Government occupies a very powerful position.
This would be the first time in 32 years that a Government has attained such a majority and this can mean different things to different groups.
For some this may be the precursor to unparalleled socio-economic growth and social security and cause for excitement and hope. For others, this can be cause for resentment, hatred and even ill will.
A catalyst for the kind of feeling that has emerged from the sector of the community wary of the Government’s majority lies in the theme of the convention of the ruling National Alliance Party last month and some of the statements from senior members of the party in support of the theme.
The theme of the NA convention, by its acronym, was INAP.
INAP, in Tok Pisin is one of those curious words that have opposite meanings depending on the context it is used in.
In one context “INAP” can mean “can”, or “able to”. “Em inap long mekim” (He can do it.) In the other context, it can mean, “full”, “the end” or “the limit has been reached”. “Mi inap pinis” (I am full or No more or That’s the end, I have had it about up to here.)
The National Alliance might have been cleverly applying both meanings. It might have been telling the world that it “can” do (NA inap long wokim) whatever it takes to bring socio-economic development, progress, growth, stability and harmony to the country. And it might have been saying that NA is sick to death (NA inap pinis) of the state of affairs of PNG; a country so rich in resources and opportunities, obese with platitudes and promises, but grown so dismally poor and lacking capacity to deliver on promises.
INAP, to my mind, became more than a clever play on a Tok Pisin word to describe a condition. It became a prescription, a way forward agenda, a party commitment. INAP stands for Institutionalise National Alliance Party.
And what does that mean? A deputy leader of the party spelled out one aspect. The party’s Highlands head, Don Polye, said that all departmental heads and heads of commercial statutory organisations, would be qualified Papua New Guineans who are sympathetic with or members of the National Alliance. This implies a major shake down of the public service, a predicament that almost always introduces uncertainty and much resentment.
What about those departmental heads and others who are not sympathisers of the National Alliance Party? Whatever is to become of them? No assurance has gone out. And so fear sets in. An uncertain future as regards job security, welfare and sustenance are very powerful motivators so along with the fear would grow resentment directed at the source of the fear, the National Alliance Party and the Government.
The condition festers because it is not only the head of organisation that grows fearful. If the head of the organisation is a sympathiser of the ruling party, what will he expect of those below him? Would he not want those implementing his decisions to be also those who are sympathizers? It might not happen that way, of course, but the logical progression of thoughts would always head down that path. And so uncertainty, fear and resentment might grow down the rank and file.
The Opposition of 13 members can do nothing as numerically their numbers are not needed. If they wanted to raise their opposition to any Government policy or action on the floor of Parliament, they have to be careful because the Government controls their electoral funds and electoral funds decide what favour they hold with their people.
The private sector is not exempt. The Government is one of the biggest consumer and awarder of contracts. With INAP as a guiding principle, the Government is likely to conduct business with only those business houses that are sympathetic to or who have contributed money to and who are open supporters of the National Alliance. Those who are not, will have to change allegiance quickly or if they do not, they will be fearful of losing business. That also works its own magic with how the private sector responds to the Government.
In the end, it is going to be how the Government acts that fears will turn to calm and reassurance and that might start this week with the first Somare budget in this term of Parliament. Through this budget the Grand Chief can reassure the people this is the Government that will finally make the difference in the twilight years of his political career.
If such reassurance is not forthcoming the fear might turn to resentment, to hatred and to ill will. That is a condition we do not want to see happen.