Views on autonomous governments

THE concept of autonomous governments might mean different things to different people.
The Autonomous Region of Bougainville, for instance, seems really to be a first step towards ultimate independence.
The autonomous community, as it is practised in Spain, is a first level political division established in accordance with the Spanish constitution that recognises the rights of regions to self-government but declares the “indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation”. Regions can attain autonomous community status but they are prevented from aspiring further.
It is important to realise that autonomy on Bougainville has not been devolved from the national government as in Spain. It has been wrestled from central authority.
Entirely new sections had to be added to PNG’s legal scheme of things to take account of the special case on Bougainville.
A provision for referendum, which was earlier thought to be dangerous and excluded from the National Constitution, has now been included only to give Bougainvilleans a chance to answer the ultimate question between now and 2015: Do they or do they not wish to remain a part of PNG?
But is PNG to be lumped with the same provision for referendums so that, at some future date, another province or region might aspire for the same?
As more provinces clamour for autonomy, it is crucial to ensure we do not create a situation where the nation faces disintegration at some future date.
The clamour for autonomous governments, which is slowly spreading outward from the New Guinea Islands region after the case of Bougainville, must be addressed decisively by the national government before it is too late.
At this juncture, it is instructive to take a closer look at the Bougainville arrangement.
The Bougainville Peace Agreement was signed in 1997. In the agreement, there are three interlinking pillars which are sequenced as autonomy, referendum and disarmament.
In their application, however, disarmament began before autonomy and referendum is yet to come.
PNG agreed to the terms of the Bougainville agreement but the creation of the Bougainville constitution and the Autonomous Bougainville Government derived from Bougainville efforts.
The national government played a supportive, advisory and financing role.
The Bougainville interim provincial government, in consultation with the Bougainville people’s congress, established a constitutional commission and a constituent assembly which were the forbearers to the Bougainville constitution and the Autonomous Bougainville Government.
The final draft constitution was reviewed by the national executive council and ratified by the national parliament, but it is the supreme law for all matters that fall within Bougainville’s jurisdiction. It is enforceable in the Bougainville courts and the Supreme Court.
The national government’s powers and functions over Bougainville included defence, foreign relations, immigration, central banking, currency, international civil aviation, shipping and trade, posts, telecommunications and cross-boundary fish stocks.
The Autonomous Bougainville Government looks after the balance including a civil service, a court system, police, correctional institutions and the right to impose and collect taxes.
Bougainville police will not develop the equivalent of an armed police mobile unit.
While public servants will be subject to the control of the autonomous government, they will swear an oath of allegiance to the head of state of PNG.
Until it has the sufficient revenue-raising powers, the national government is continuing to provide various types of grants including recurrent, unconditional and development grants.
Once Bougainville is financially self-reliant, the two governments would reach a revenue-sharing formula. The autonomous government would then assume the powers and functions to impose, set rates of and collect personal income tax and company tax (within certain limits).
In relation to foreign aid, the national and autonomous governments will be able to obtain foreign aid  – provided this does not reduce the value of aid already available to PNG and subject to overriding national foreign policy considerations.